The Militant Extremists: MAGA’s Most Dangerous and Uncontrollable Faction

The Civil War Brewing Within MAGA: Part 4

In our previous installment, we examined The Extraction Class's pursuit of a technocratic autocracy. Now, we turn to another pivotal faction within the MAGA movement: The Militant Extremists, a coalition of far-right groups whose escalating influence poses a volatile threat to both their allies and the nation.

Initially relegated to the role of enforcers, The Militant Extremists served as the movement's foot soldiers, tasked with intimidating political opponents, suppressing dissent, and instilling fear. For years, they justified their violence as a necessary fight to reclaim America from perceived threats, including the government, the left, and those they label as "outsiders." However, with the advent of Trump's second term, they are no longer content to take orders; they demand the rewards they believe they've earned through their actions.

Central to this faction are groups like the Proud Boys, Oath Keepers, and Three Percenters. These organizations have openly embraced extremist ideologies and have utilized violence as a political tool. Leaders such as Enrique Tarrio of the Proud Boys and Stewart Rhodes of the Oath Keepers have portrayed themselves as warriors in an existential battle to preserve what they perceive as America's traditional identity. The Great Replacement Theory—a belief that white Americans are being "replaced" by immigrants and minorities—fuels their rage and justifies their actions.

While racism is deeply embedded in this faction, it is not their sole motivator. Many Militants are drawn in through economic resentment, anti-government ideology, or a broader sense of grievance. Some are ideological purists, committed to the idea of a homogeneous ethnostate, while others are opportunists exploiting racial fears to legitimize the use of force. There are also accelerationist factions within the movement who do not simply seek power but believe that the destruction of the U.S. government is necessary to build a more extreme authoritarian state. To them, chaos is not just a tool—it is the end goal. Their core belief, however, is that power belongs to those who can seize it by force, and they will employ any justification—be it race, religion, or economic resentment—that serves their agenda.

Following the January 6th Capitol attack, many members faced prosecution, and Trump initially distanced himself from their actions. However, in a move to regain their loyalty, he has since pardoned nearly all individuals charged in connection with the January 6th events, including leaders of the Proud Boys and Oath Keepers convicted of seditious conspiracy.

Additionally, Trump has appointed figures with ties to the far right into influential positions, such as nominating Joe Kent—a former Green Beret with alleged connections to white nationalist groups—as the head of the National Counterterrorism Center. These actions signal that The Militant Extremists are no longer merely enforcers; they are embedding themselves within intelligence and law enforcement agencies to reshape the government from within.

The overlap between The Militant Extremists and law enforcement is not new. Reports have long documented ties between far-right groups and police forces, with members of the Oath Keepers and Three Percenters openly recruiting from military and law enforcement ranks. While some members have sought official influence, others thrive in the gray space—benefiting from ideological sympathizers within law enforcement who see them as allies rather than threats. This leniency has allowed the Militants to operate with relative impunity, further emboldening their sense of power. Even beyond formal recruitment, the ideological alignment between law enforcement and militant factions has led to selective enforcement—where far-right agitators face minimal consequences, while leftist protesters and marginalized groups experience disproportionate crackdowns. This dynamic has only deepened the Militants' sense that they can act without fear of accountability.

Despite these gains, the Militants are growing restless. Many within this faction expected complete control, not just influence, and view Trump as too hesitant to fully realize their vision. Hardliners like Nick Fuentes have criticized Trump for being too lenient and slow to take extreme measures. Even among those who have renewed their support, there is an understanding that Trump is a means to an end—not their ultimate leader.

But there are fractures within the Militants themselves. More extreme accelerationist factions, such as Atomwaffen Division and The Base, see groups like the Proud Boys as weak, viewing them as performative rather than truly committed to the destruction of the current system. Meanwhile, others within the movement remain content with the power they have gained and are wary of pushing too far, too fast. These internal divisions—between those who want to use violence as a means to seize power and those who see destruction itself as the goal—are already beginning to emerge.

Unlike The Christian Nationalists, who seek long-term institutional control, and The Extraction Class, who aspire to engineer a corporate autocracy, The Militants thrive on chaos, violence, and revenge. They have no long-term governance strategy—only a belief that force must determine the future. Some within their ranks imagine a post-Trump America ruled by a military strongman, while others rally around younger extremists like Nick Fuentes, who has positioned himself as the ideological vanguard of a new authoritarian movement. Yet even among those clinging to a vision of power, there is no unified roadmap—only competing fantasies of dominance that will inevitably collide. This is what makes them the most dangerous faction—not just to democracy, but to their own allies.

Historically, groups like these have rarely been able to consolidate power. Instead, they are often purged once they have outlived their usefulness. The Nazi SA, Stalin’s revolutionary enforcers, even early Bolshevik radicals—all were instrumental in their movements' rise to power, only to be cast aside once stability became the priority. The Militants, too, may be living on borrowed time.

Militants will not stand by while others dictate the movement's future. Having tasted power, they are unwilling to relinquish it. If they feel sidelined, they will not hesitate to turn against anyone, ally or foe, who threatens their influence. Their lack of a singular leader or cohesive structure only amplifies this volatility. Should Trump falter, fractures within the Militant faction could deepen, leaving the question: Who, if anyone, could unify them?

For now, the one thing keeping them from outright rebellion is Donald Trump. But as history shows, even the most celebrated figureheads become dispensable when authoritarian factions no longer find them useful. In our next installment, we’ll explore why Trump's grip on MAGA is far more fragile than it appears—and why the very factions that elevated him may be the ones to tear him down.

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